1. After the National Assembly modified, by a simple majority vote (83
to 165), the Organic Law on the Supreme Court of Justice it
proceeded to designate seventeen new Justices of the Supreme
Court. Out of those seventeen, twelve were meant to cover
the expansion in the number of Justices from twenty to thirty-two
and five were appointed to replace those Justices who had been
forced into retirement following pressure from the Government.
2. By expanding the number of Justices by seventeen new members, and by adding
a complete set of thirty-two new alternate Justices, all the
Supreme Court's Chambers came to have a firm pro-government
majority. According to statements by the Chairman of the Commission
on Judicial Nominations of the National Assembly, Pedro
Carreño, a Congressman and former military officer,
the Administration of President Hugo Chávez-Frías,
would not allow the opposition to be represented at all in the
Supreme Court. "We will not score a goal against ourselves",
he stated announcing the hard line position that would guide
judicial designations, adding that those chosen "are judges
whose revolutionary credentials are more than guaranteed".
3. Among
the newly designated Justices those more notorious for their
pro- government bias are: Luis Velásquez-Alvaray and
Luis Franceschi, both Members of the National Assembly on the
pro-government benches; Francisco Carrasquero, previously the
President of the National Electoral Council; Eladio Aponte-Aponte,
a retired officer and the Armed Forces' former General Prosecutor;
and Deyanira Nieves, a former Caracas Judicial Circuit Judge
notorious for her pro-government sentences in cases such as
those regarding Carlos Melo, an opposition leader sentenced
to prison, attacks to foreign embassies and the assassination
of dissident soldiers.
4. On the occasion of the swearing-in ceremony of the new Justices, held on December 14, 2004, Justice Luis Velásquez-Alvaray, former Congressman, co-author of the Supreme Court Law and of the Penal Code's widely criticized revision approved in January 2005, stated that while he would formally present his resignation to his Fifth- Republic Movement party membership, he would never be able to put aside his unwavering commitment to the political process undertaken under the leadership of President Chávez. He equally indicated that he would sponsor a process of 'revolutionary justice', thereby placing himself in violation of Article 256 of the Constitution, which reads as follows: "In order to guarantee the impartiality and the independence of Justices, Judges, Public Prosecutors and Attorneys in the discharge of their duties, they shall not carry out, exception made for the right to vote, any activism of a political, professional, labor-union or similar nature, nor shall they carry out, whether directly or through a third party, any activity for gain incompatible with their responsibilities, nor any other public endeavor, exception made for teaching. Judges shall not have the right to organize."
5. The passing of the amendments to the Supreme Court Law and the appointment
of the new judges was widely
criticized at the national level by well-known law professors
and by opposition Congressmen. The latter withdrew from the
National Assembly session that was considering the amendments,
in protest for what they considered to be a violation of the
principle of impartiality and independence of the Judiciary.
6. Human
Rights Watch (HRW), an organization devoted to the defense
of Human Rights, issued a statement on December 14, 2004, indicating
that by this law the Assembly inflicted a severe blow to the
independence and autonomy of justice in Venezuela. Recently,
the Andean Commission of Jurists expressed in a public letter
a similar concern regarding the independence of the judiciary
power and its actions.
7. On February 4, 2005 , Omar Mora Díaz became the new President of
the Supreme Court. In his first statement
to the press , he promised to remove from the Court all
the 'coup-plotting judges': "It is unacceptable that, on the
basis of the principle of popular sovereignty, a Judge allows
himself to become a coup-plotter. It can not be. Such Judges
must be removed, whatever the cost, . It can not be that a Judge,
who saw on TV how an individual by the name of Pedro Carmona-Estanga
led a coup, sets him free the very next day under the spurious
argument that there existed a power-vacuum. Such a man must
not sit as a Judge." (El Universal, February 3, 2005 ). He added
that the sentence issued by the Supreme Court, by which those
military officers who had been present in the April 2002 developments
(Efraín Vásquez-Velasco, Héctor Ramírez-Pérez,
Ramón Pereira-Olivares, and Daniel Comisso-Urdaneta)
were absolved, should be reverted. He equally suggested that
such a decision should be taken by the Constitutional Chamber
of the Supreme Court, acting on its own initiative.
8. Omar Mora, the President of the Supreme Court, has
openly declared his support for the political process Venezuela
is undergoing: ". each revolution must be original . one
of the mistakes made by those of us who fought for a revolutionary
transformation of society was to think that we could copy foreign
models in a straightforward way. At a certain point in time
we wanted to copy the Bolshevik model and we failed; afterwards,
we tried to copy the Chinese revolution and we failed; then,
as the Cuban revolution made a strong impression on the 1960's
generation, we tried to copy it in a mechanical way and equally
failed. The virtue of this process of revolutionary transformation
Venezuela is presently undergoing is that it is an original
experience . In '66 and '67, I was put in jail four times by
the Police (DIGEPOL), and three times by the Metropolitan Police
. I was even sent to Cachipo, an anti-guerilla camp located
in the East. I was an active member of the Communist Youth,
then clandestine. I was in jail for six months after having
being charged with collaboration with the guerrilla, with the
Front then active in Falcón State . I started when I
was thirteen and continued to be a militant until the Communist
Party broke up. As a hard-liner, I joined the PRV, but then
it was infiltrated by intelligence organizations and collapsed.
From then on and until today, I have taken an independent stand
on the left." (El Nacional, February 3, 2005 , Page A-5).
9. During recent years and in what can only be seen as a pro-government bias,
the Administrative Penal Chamber of the Supreme Court, responsible
for the legal oversight of the Administration's acts, has not
issued a single precautionary ruling in favor of any party who
had presented a complaint against public administration . On
the other hand, every action brought to the attention of the
Supreme Court of Justice involving the President has been either
dismis
sed
or rejected, in most cases without even allowing the initiation
of the relevant procedings.